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INTERVISTË-PRESS
 
AMBASADORI ALEKSANDËR ARVIZU TEK 'OPINION' - I THASHË ZYRTARIT TË LARTË TË QEVERISË JU NUK KENI LUKSIN TË ZGJIDHNI AMBASADORIN AMERIKAN - KY ËSHTË PRIVILEGJ I PRESIDENTIT TË SHBA (Thekse nga intervista në TV KLAN)

E Premte, 05.24.2013, 10:39am (GMT+1)



Disa thekse nga intervista e Ambasadorit Amerikan Aleksandër Arvizu tek Opinion marrë nga transkripti në anglisht në faqen zyrtare të Ambasadës Amerikane në Tiranë

Ambasadori Arvizu: Blendi, unë jam i kënaqur që ju bëtë këtë pyetje. Kur Z. Moore ishte këtu, kur zoti Reeker ishte këtu para tij, ata të dy u adresuan rreth kësaj  çështje. Ata të dy e bënë shumë të qartë, ata deklaruan publikisht se kushdo qoftë kreu i misionit, shefi i misionit, në Rrugën e Elbasanit, ai flet në emër të SHBA, flet në emër të Presidentit të Shteteve të Bashkuara. I mirëprita deklarimet e tyre. Mendova se është bërë shumë e qartë. Por, pyetja del prapë kohë pas kohe, kështu që unë jam i kënaqur që ju e bërë këtë pyetje......

....Dua t'ju tregoj një ngjarje, rreth një takimi që kam patur me një zyrtar të lartë të qeverisë (shqiptare - shpjegim i voal). Ka ngjarë disa javë më parë. Ndodhi pasi zyrtarë të lartë të SHBA bënë të qartë se unë flas në emër të Washingtonit. Dhe ne e patëm këtë diskutim...

Blendi Fevziu:  Ka ky zyrtar një emër  ?

Ambassador Arvizu:  Natyrisht që ai është një person real. Ne ishim duke folur për një çështje që nuk lidhej me zgjedhjet. Por pastaj biseda kaloi në një diskutim për zgjedhjet dhe shkarkimin e Z.Muho. Unë isha shumë i pastër dhe i ndershëm me deklaratën time - mendoj se ishte 15 Prill dhe parlamenti do të votonte në mbrëmje - dhe personi nga qeveria u kthye nga unë dhe pyeti: "Ky është qëndrim i Washingtonit apo një deklaratë juaja personale?"

Doni të dini se si ju përgjigja ?

....

Okei! Po ua them, toni ishte pak më i ndryshëm. Dhe i thashë: "˜Unë nuk e kam luksin të kem një opinion personal. Të gjitha opinionet e mia janë zyrtare. Dhe ju nuk e keni luksin të vendosni se kush do të jetë Ambasadori i Shteteve të Bashkuara të Amerikës. Ky është një privilegj i Presidentit të Shteteve të Bashkuara, me këshillën dhe pëlqimin e Senatit Amerikan.

( Thekset janë zgjedhur nga VOAL)

Transcript of Interview with U.S. Ambassador Alexander A. Arvizu On "Opinion," with Blendi Fevziu (May 22, 2013)

Blendi Fevziu:  Good evening, honorable viewers.  I'm speaking from the "˜Opinion' show studio, as I do every Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday at 10:30 pm, and Thursday at 9:00 pm.  As you've seen from the announcements, today's guest is the U.S. Ambassador to Tirana, Mr. Alexander Arvizu.  Today's interview with Mr. Arvizu will focus on election issues, the engagement of the international community and specifically of the U.S. on election issues.  In Albania, it's never easy there's always a new problem that was not encountered in the previous election, but one that remains to be discussed.  Mr. Ambassador, good evening!  Welcome to the studio of "˜Opinion!'  Usually, our interviews have been taped and voiced over, but this one is through simultaneous interpretation.  I hope that my direct questions will receive just as direct responses, although the interpreter stands in between.

Ambassador Arvizu:  First of all, thank you for the invitation.  It's always a pleasure to be in the studio.  I look forward to the questions tonight.

Blendi Fevziu:  Especially in this moment of the electoral campaign that doesn't seem so calm.  In fact, my first question would be:  Is it calmer than you expected, or more problematic?

Ambassador Arvizu:  That's a good question.  It's been a little bit of a difficult campaign to figure out, when talking to a lot of people trying to understand the themes, the mood of the people.  I was here, of course, for the 2011 for the local elections which was pretty heated, pretty interesting for a local election.

Blendi Fevziu:  And one where you were almost a half counter (of votes) at Njësia 5.

Ambassador Arvizu:  Yeah.

Blendi Fevziu:  I hope you won't need to count votes any more in this campaign.

Ambassador Arvizu:  I hope that is not repeated.

Blendi Fevziu:  In fact, if the vote count situation is not repeated and everything goes normally, there's something new that wasn't expected, the disintegration of the Central Election Committee after the departure of the three opposition representatives and the issues that ensued.   Do you stand by your initial idea that the dismissal of the LSI-proposed member of the CEC was a mistake?

Ambassador Arvizu:  I think it was very problematic.  I have spoken publicly about that.  Mr. Reeker has spoken about it.  I've seen pre-election assessments by NDI and others.  I think the general feeling is that it was a very questionable procedure.  But, for me, what was especially problematic was... I think we all recognize that when the LSI left the coalition, that it created this unusual circumstance, where what used to be the majority became the minority.  But it seemed to me, and it seemed to most of us in the international community, from reading the Electoral Code, that it was possible for the political parties to address that situation.

Blendi Fevziu:  How could they address it, Mr. Ambassador?

Ambassador Arvizu:  They could have sat down and talked to each other.

Blendi Fevziu:  The principle for the constitution of the Central Election Commission was upset, that of four of the majority and three of the opposition.

Ambassador Arvizu:  I don't think anyone questioned that the precedent that was established in 2003, if I'm not mistaken, should have been respected, observed in some way.  In fact, I met with Mr. Rama yesterday to talk about the CEC issue.  I don't think he would mind my publicly saying tonight that from his standpoint and the standpoint of the SP, given the situation now, they have no principled objection to, again, it being three and three, and the chair being determined by the majority.  So, it could have been resolved politically.  There was an opportunity for the two sides to show the people of Albania, to show the international community, that the will and the capacity exist to resolve problems.  But instead, essentially you had a power move, a fait accompli, and it's resulted in this impasse.

Blendi Fevziu:  Mr. Meta has declared on the show of journalist colleague Balla that if it had been requested by the majority, he would have withdrawn the member proposed by him in the CEC.  The issue is, why did Meta wait for a request, when he could have withdrawn the LSI-proposed member to preserve the same balance in the CEC, that is the 4 by 3 principle had been sanctioned 10 years ago?

Ambassador Arvizu:  Let's be honest.  Let's be realistic.  They're trying to gain political advantage.  At the time, it was explained to me I don't know if this was true or just kind of a cover story but I was told what was really of interest to both sides was not the composition of the CEC itself, but at the 89 KZAZs; the lower levels...

Blendi Fevziu:  A chain system...

Ambassador Arvizu:  Because it went from four to three and three to four to five to two and four to three.  And that was obviously not sustainable.  And, no one said that was going to happen.

Blendi Fevziu:  So, your position, when you declared that the removal of the LSI-proposed CEC member could put Albania on a collision course with the U.S., do you consider that hasty?

Ambassador Arvizu:  You know, I've had some good conversations with people, with Mr. Frangaj, Mr. Çili we talked about that.  Both are good friends.  I respect their opinions a lot.  In fact, I've talked to them in the last couple of weeks and they thought that maybe some of those statements were a bit hasty.  I told them that happened more than a month ago.  I think I was right.  I think I was proven right.  The point that I was trying to make was:  there was an unusual circumstance created by the departure of the LSI from the coalition, but, the impasse or the imbalance it was possible to address it by the two sides, politically.  They could have dealt with it.  And so, it was the lost opportunity.  The politicians, once again, were presented with this situation where they had an opportunity to restore confidence, to show people that this time it's going to be different.  We can work out our differences.  Instead, they just reverted to former... And look, it's more than a month later.  We're almost at the official starting point of the election and we have a CEC that is not fully constituted; it's not operating the way it ought to.

Blendi Fevziu:  But Mr. Ambassador, no cooperation is being found between the two sides on three laws that could at least officially open the way for the country to integrate into the EU.  Why do you ask that the parties do this solely through understanding and not in observance of the spirit of the law?  The principle of the law, not just the member...

Ambassador Arvizu:  The problem with the three laws was they tied into the High Court law, the problems down in Fier.  I'm not saying the opposition was right or correct to do what they did, but it was a very complex issue.  This one, I think, was more straightforward.  It could have been resolved, if there had been the will on the both sides.  I suppose you could say the same thing for the three laws, but this one was more straightforward.  They could have dealt with it.  And look at today, one side says we're ready to vote for your names just give us the names and we'll vote them right away.  And the other side is saying, we need some sign from you that you will respect the laws, that you will not take actions to compromise the integrity of the CEC like you already did.  It's at an impasse.

Blendi Fevziu:  Mr. Ambassador, your position on the dismissal of the LSI-proposed CEC member and his replacement was it your personal stance or was it recommended by the Department of State?  I have in mind the fact that a few days afterwards, Jonathan Moore, a senior State Department official, had much more moderate language compared to yours on this issue.

Ambassador Arvizu:  The position that I announced publicly or explained publicly was fully coordinated with Washington.  I know that people here are always interested in nuance, what is said in Washington, what is said here.  I think people have to understand that there is a big distance, both in terms of time and actual kilometers.  We here at the Embassy are on the ground; we talk to people.  We have an up-to-date, usually at least, up-to-the minute updates on what the real situation here is, whereas in Washington, they are far away.  They rely on the reports that we provide, but they also talk to other people and so, you're not always going to have the exact, identical piece of information.  But, Washington relies on my Embassy to provide them with information.  In response to your question, the answer was fully coordinated with Washington.

Blendi Fevziu:  So, was it coordinated with Washington or not?

Ambassador Arvizu:  The position about...

Blendi Fevziu:  Your declaration?

Ambassador Arvizu:  Yes, yes it was.

Blendi Fevziu:  Meanwhile, Mr. Jonathan Moore and the SP and the LSI should propose the names for the vacancies in the CEC.  Do you also stand by that idea and should the two main opposition forces propose names to complete the CEC?

Ambassador Arvizu:  I read Mr. Moore's statement very carefully.  I read Mr. Reeker's testimony before the Helsinki Commission it was about two weeks ago and I've discussed it on the telephone with them.  We have to be very clear what our position is on the CEC is, and that position is that we believe the CEC should be fully constituted, it should be properly constituted.  It was not designed to operate with four members, or five members, or six members.  It was designed to operate with seven members.  It's contained in the Electoral Code, it's the result of a political consensus.  That's the way it ought to operate.

Blendi Fevziu:  You talked yesterday with Mr. Rama who should take the initiative to fill the vacancies.  Is he ready to do that?

Ambassador Arvizu:  He has said that they are ready to move forward right away, but he needs some assurance that the process will be respected and that the integrity of the CEC will not be compromised.

Blendi Fevziu:  Mr. Ambassador, that's an issue of how the two sides see something being compromised... I have never known political sides in Albania to agree on what is compromised.  What one sees as compromised the other does not ... What initial guarantees can you give?  It is the law that gives guarantees, not words.

Ambassador Arvizu:  Well, sadly and unfortunately, my analysis is that both sides feel that they can continue on this course, that it actually works for both of them, and my response is that I respectfully disagree.  I think that this is a bad signal to the Albanian citizens.  I think that it is a bad signal to the international community that is watching these elections very carefully.  I think it just sends wrong signals, both sides.

Blendi Fevziu:  If the CEC is not completed, what could be the complications for the elections?  Of course, the law envisions the way forward...

Ambassador Arvizu:  It does...

Blendi Fevziu:  There's a vote by four, it goes to the Electoral College, so... legally it functions.  But if there's no CEC with seven members, what will be the problems?

Ambassador Arvizu: The problem is this.  Again, let's be honest, for some difficult issues that require a qualified majority, that is at least five votes, and we saw this during the local election.  Undoubtedly, there will be times when they will be at four to three that they won't be able to get to five.   And, the issue will have to be referred to the Electoral College.  We understand that that's going to happen, but the way it's set up now, every single decision 100% of those that require a qualified majority, that require five votes they automatically are going to have to go to the Electoral College.  That's the way it's supposed to work.  The Electoral College should be the last option, if the CEC is unable to arrive at the necessary qualified majority.  As you said, thank goodness there is a procedure so that the elections can be held, but that's not keeping in the spirit of the Code, it's not keeping in the spirit of the political consensus that the two sides agreed to.

Blendi Fevziu:  I guess we covered the part related to the CEC.  I'd like to go into some questions about what you said, the frequent comments of Tirana's informal forums.  Mr. Ambassador, is there a personal position of yours in this election?  Are you going to be involved in these elections?  I remember from following all electoral campaigns in Albania that at least somewhere visibly and elsewhere less visibly, American Ambassadors have always been involved in elections Ambassador Ryerson in the election of 1992 and to some extent maybe Ambassador Withers in 2009.  Will you be personally involved in these elections?

Ambassador Arvizu:  When you say involved, do you mean active and ...

Blendi Fevziu:  Active in favor of one coalition or the other, directly or indirectly?

Ambassador Arvizu:  No, not at all.  We are strictly neutral.  We have no favorites.  We work extra hard to make sure that we don't indicate that we're favoring one side or the other side.  Depending on the issue and we speak out, again in full coordination with Washington there may be times when it appears that we're being more critical of one side or the other.  That's because our assessment is that one side is more responsible than the other for creating a particular dilemma or problem.  But, no, as far as the election itself is concerned, no, we absolutely have no favorites.  We take every precaution to make sure that we're not taking any sides.

Blendi Fevziu:  There have been some statements, including in this studio, according to which the United States of America is in favor of a rotation, i.e. in favor of the opposition.  In fact, there have been even comments by journalists and important political figures including last night that the departure of Mr. Meta was stimulated after a visit to the State Department in October of 2012, the departure from the ruling coalition.  Is the U.S. really interested in the election results in Albania?

Ambassador Arvizu:  We're very interested in the results, but on the subject of rotation...

Blendi Fevziu:  How the results come out...the subject I mean.

Ambassador Arvizu:  Two points.  First, on the issue of rotation.  If you were to ask any American who follows politics:  how do Americans feel about the principle of rotation?  I think just about anyone would say it's a good principle.  Rotation is a good principle.  But if I were to say, we believe in rotation, then for certain papers we don't have to say which ones but they're going to say:  "˜Arvizu calls for rotation.'  And that's absolutely not the case.  What I would say about rotation...

Blendi Fevziu:  Do you ask for it or not?

Ambassador Arvizu:  Here's what I would say about rotation.  If elections are free and fair and transparent, a principle like rotation, it takes care of itself.   The people, they decided when it's time to rotate the leadership.  It's a very simple answer.  Now, the other question about the results.  One of my big frustrations in dealing with the current situation is, think back to when Secretary of State Clinton visited here on November the 1st her address to the parliament.  I wrote an editorial, I think it appeared in January.  Mr. Reeker has made numerous statements.  Mr. Engel... We've all said that we understand the history of Albania, of Albanian elections, is a history of contested results.  So, how do you avoid that?  You avoid that by improving the process.  You avoid it by getting people to accept that the process is going to be better than it was before, so that the focus is not on the outcome, not on the results, but on the process.  But, unfortunately, in the past several months, the politicians, sadly, have acted true to form, and right now it appears that we're headed into an election season where it's going to be about the outcome, not about the process.  Some people have said:  "˜This is just Albania.  We're going to have contested results.  We're going to have a contested outcome.'  Some people in the government have said to me:  

"˜You have to be prepared; we probably won't have a government until August or September.'  I said,  "˜That's terrible. We've got to do something about that.'  We've got to do something about that.

Blendi Fevziu:  Apparently, those who told you that whether in the government or the opposition are wrong because, in reality, there could be no government until September.  That is what happens according to normal procedures of the functioning after elections.  There's a certain time required to certify results, to certify in the Electoral College, in the CEC, and then convening the parliament.  So, in any case, with or without contestation, the government should be formed in the first ten days of September. 

Ambassador Arvizu:  Exactly, because one of the key functions of the CEC is to certify the results.  And, as I understand it, the results have to be certified with a qualified majority.

Blendi Fevziu:  Five to two. 

Ambassador Arvizu:  So, right now, the CEC is not going to be able to certify the results.  And, what happens if one party is at 70 and another party is at 68 and there are a small number of seats undecided and it all goes to the Electoral College.  That would be a very unfortunate scenario.  I hope it doesn't turn out that way.

Blendi Fevziu:  It would be a bit similar to the Bush-Gore scenario of 2000.

Ambassador Arvizu:  That was pretty difficult for the United States.  I just hope it doesn't happen here.

Blendi Fevziu:  Do you have a real fear, you personally, that the post-election period could be problematic?

Ambassador Arvizu:  A little bit.  Frankly, it would be nice if either party, or either side, were to win a convincing victory, you know, 74 66, where the results are clear and established and the winner wins and the losing side says, well, we have to go back and regroup.  I think what would be really unfortunate if one side were to win 71 69.  Again, it may happen that way.  It may be the way the votes actually come out, but it's just a shame that Albania has this history of closely contested elections and the dispute resolution mechanisms are not strong.

Blendi Fevziu:  Mr. Ambassador, is there a cooling of relations between Albania and the United States of America?  Or between the U.S. and the Prime Minister?  There have been some statements by opposition figures, most recently by Mr. Meta, former PM, that the U.S. has crossed off Berisha.

Ambassador Arvizu:  I think relations between the United States and Albania are very strong.  I don't need to get into a long list of areas where we cooperate.  I think the cooperation is as strong as ever.  Mr. Berisha is the head of the government; so by virtue of being PM, he makes that possible.  As far as what Mr. Meta said, as you know, I don't speak Albanian, but people tell me that this was in response to Mr. Berisha's repeated talking about visas...

Blendi Fevziu:  Visas.  I'll ask you later about that...

Ambassador Arvizu:  I understand what Mr. Meta said, it was like a pun or play with words that in Albanian sounds catchy, or a neat phrase; it didn't mean a whole lot in English, but that's what I understand is why he said it.

Blendi Fevziu:  Yes, but Mr. Meta has said three or four sound bites that seem like puns.  But, if between the U.S. and Albania, all is well as you say, is there a problem between you personally and PM Berisha?

Ambassador Arvizu:  No, I don't think so.

Blendi Fevziu:  Did you, Mr. Ambassador, have in some certain cases a personal agenda that doesn't match with Washington's agenda vis-à-vis Albania?  I have in mind the statement on the court ruling regarding the January 21 indictees, the statement on the CEC that we clarified, or some other statement, maybe further back, like the one in Elbasan on textbooks, maybe others.  The essence of the question is: have you had or do you have a personal agenda?  Maybe every ambassador has one that doesn't match in general lines with Washington's agenda?

Ambassador Arvizu:  Blendi, I'm glad you asked that question.  When Mr. Moore was here, when Mr. Reeker was here before him, they both addressed this issue.  They made very clear, they stated publicly that whoever is the head of mission, the chief of mission, on Rruga Elbasanit, speaks for the U.S., speaks for the President of the United States.  I welcomed that.  I thought it was made very clear.  But, the question does creep up from time to time, so I'm glad you asked tha

t. Blendi Fevziu:  It's also in the press, this observation?

Ambassador Arvizu:  Yeah.  I would make a couple of points.  There's a saying in English, and it goes, haven't we seen this movie before?  It's an English metaphor, a way of saying, déjà vu! 

Blendi Fevziu:  What does that mean?

Ambassador Arvizu:  Arvizu has a personal agenda.  They said that about my predecessor, John Withers.

Blendi Fevziu:  It resulted that in many things, he had a personal stance that didn't match that of the U.S. State Department.  I'm talking about Ambassador Withers.

Ambassador Arvizu:  That's subject to different interpretations.  What about Bill Ryerson?  Did he have a personal agenda?  Marisa Lino?  Did she have a personal agenda?  I heard from Marcie Ries today; she's in Bulgaria.  Did she have a personal agenda?  I think the obvious answer is no.  But I do want to tell you a story, about a meeting I had with a senior government official.  It was a couple of weeks ago.  It was after the U.S. officials made very clear that I have their confidence and that I speak on behalf of Washington.  We were having this discussion...

Blendi Fevziu:  Does this official have a name?

Ambassador Arvizu:  He's a real person, of course.  We were talking about an issue totally unrelated to elections.  But then, it evolved into a discussion about elections and specifically about the dismissal of Mr. Muho.  I was very candid and very honest in explaining my statement I think it was on April 15th that parliament voted in the evening and the person from the government turned to me and said:  "˜Is this Washington's position?  Or is this your personal statement?'  Do you want to know what I said? 

Blendi Fevziu:  I also asked you about that earlier in the studio.

Ambassador Arvizu:  Okay.  Well, it was in a little bit of a different tone.  And I said:  "˜I don't have the luxury of having a personal opinion.  All my opinions are official.  And you do not have the luxury of deciding who the American Ambassador is.  That is the prerogative of the President of the United States, with the advice and consent of the United States Senate.  And you are neither the President nor a Senator of the United States.' 

Blendi Fevziu:  Mr. Ambassador, Albania's PM said he'll work in the next four years, the next mandate, to lift visas with the United States.  Meanwhile, there was a reaction by the consular office of the Embassy of the United States.  First, is it so hard to lift visas with the U.S.?  Or, at least, can Albania do its job to move forward the duty of lifting visas?  The decision certainly is up to Washington authorities, but it is something we have to do.  Why should the good will of a government, or majority, to work toward lifting visas be refused?

Ambassador Arvizu:  First of all, I think all of us in the U.S. Government were a bit surprised to hear this come out.  Again, it is an election campaign; so we shouldn't be too surprised by anything, but our response was very straightforward and technical.  The issue relates to something called the Visa Waiver Program.  It is a specific program that is legislated by the Congress of the United States.  37 countries currently benefit from it.  I think 30 are in Europe, seven are in Asia, give or take one or two.  There are very technical requirements for a country to qualify or to even be considered for the Visa Waiver Program and one of these is there must be a refusal rate for B visas B is for tourist category, simple business, it's the most common category...

Blendi Fevziu:  Tourist visas, B1, B2...

Ambassador Arvizu:  Right where the visa refusal rate needs to be at 3% or below.  We indicated that in calendar year, excuse me, in fiscal year 2012, Albania's refusal rate was 40.5%.  So you have 40.5 and three percent.  Now, there may be a question was that a bad year?  I looked at the statistics for the past five  or seven years and some years it was a little bit higher, some years it was a little bit lower, but that is very consistent.  So, that's our visa waiver program.  But I think there's a little bit of confusion because of what is in the U.S. system and then in Europe and the Schengen the visa-free travel status that Albania acquired in, I think it was December 2010.  Again, I'm not an expert at all in the Schengen area, visa-free travel, but from what I understand, they are two completely different processes.  In the European case, again, not completely related to the stability and the accession process for acquiring EU membership, it relates to that and that's good because the U.S. fully supports Albania taking the steps necessary to eventually join the EU some day.  But, the American Visa Waiver Program is a completely, completely different process.

Blendi Fevziu:  Even this program, although it is determined by the U.S. Congress and it is an American decision making, it depends on the performance of the governance in Albania.  If the GOA carries out some necessary things, I don't know whether four, eight, or twelve years, it can go toward that program.  Why shouldn't a government promise that it will govern better in order to make even this possible?

Ambassador Arvizu:  Blendi, there is no Stefan Füle in the U.S. who is going to come out with status reports on this...

Blendi Fevziu:  Great luck that there is no Stefan Füle in the U.S., if you were to ask my personal opinion...

Ambassador Arvizu:  That's your opinion and that's the name of the show.  No, in the U.S. you're not trying to join or become the 51st state or anything like that.  There's a very strict technical requirement based on U.S. law, which says three percent.  Right now it's at 40.5 percent.  There's a long way to go.  And, in my experience, it has been done.  When I joined the Foreign Service, a long, long time ago, in the 1980s, I was in South Korea.  I can't remember what the visa refusal rate was; it was very, very high.  And there was no Visa Waiver Program back then, but if there were a Visa Waiver Program, I know South Korea would not have qualified.  And if you had said to me:  "˜Would South Korea qualify?'  I would say:  "˜Come on!'  Now, it took 20 years, but South Korea did qualify, but South Korea has been a tremendous democracy story, a tremendous story in terms of economic development, growth in the middle class, exports, rule of law at home, to attract foreign investment.  South Korea is a tremendous model.  So, yes, it can be done, but it was not a gift, an enticement.  The South Koreans did it themselves, based on hard work, determination, good government, good opposition, people working together for national purpose.  That's what did it.  So, if that can happen here, sure, anything's possible.

Blendi Fevziu:  That's the theoretical part.  I know South Korea has had incredible development, but I assure you if you were here instead of Ambassador Ryerson in 1992 and had returned in 2003, you would see that Albania's progress has been very great, as you have said in one of your public appearances.  So, when we had such a pace in these past 20 years, maybe we can have the same pace of progress in the next 20 years.  I hope.

Ambassador Arvizu:  It's good to hope.  It's good to aspire to something.

Blendi Fevziu:  Hope dies last, is one expression we use often.  Two questions on the lists and then we'll have a commercial break and after that, some questions on your rapport with the RBA, with Podesta Group, and some of your political stances.  First, in these elections, Mr. Ambassador, according to the press at least, the political forces have included, some of them at least, persons involved with the crime world and problems with the law.  Are you aware and do you have a comment?

Ambassador Arvizu:  I've heard some less than favorable comments about some people in both parties.  I think that each candidate needs to be evaluated individually, by the voters in that district.  The voters need to decide whether that's the best person to represent them in the parliament.

Blendi Fevziu:  Meanwhile, there's a lot of involvement of business people, some of them of dubious business origin.  In fact, anytime I ask politicians about the inclusion of business people, they tell me it's a success model in the USA.  Is this the best example to take from the U.S.?

Ambassador Arvizu:  It's a fact of life in a democracy, whether it's the U.S., whether it's Japan, where I've served, whether it's here in Albania, that politics costs money.  One problem, if you will, in the U.S. is that it is awfully expensive to run for office.  With the senators and the congressmen that we have, I don't have the statistics, but there are many millionaires, multi-millionaires.  I'm not a poor person.  I have a nice government salary and am comfortably in the middle class.  There's no way I could even begin to dream running for Congress.  There's nothing wrong with that that I want to run for Congress but there's something wrong with the fact that you really need a lot of money, a war chest, or at least to be able to raise a lot of money, and I think it's true to some extent here in Albania.  Politics are expensive; it costs money to run the campaign.  And the questionable businessmen, yes, I've heard.  I don't know for a fact about any of them, but I also see in both parties some committed civil society activists, academicians, doctors, cultural figures.  As far as the idea of balance goes, I think it's not too bad here in Albania.

Blendi Fevziu:  Last question before the commercial break.  Your colleague, EU Ambassador Sequi, was unhappy with the inclusion of women in party lists.  Do you belong also to that club of unhappy feminists who are unhappy with the level of women's inclusion in the lists?

Ambassador Arvizu:  For the parliament?

Blendi Fevziu:  Yes, for the next parliament.

Ambassador Arvizu:  I've said this before.  Nothing against the Albanian males, but there are so many impressive Albanian females.  We have them in our embassy.  I have some of my friends.  So, in that sense, yes, I think women are underrepresented in the parliament.  It would be better if there were higher representation, so I agree completely with Ambassador Sequi, but I look at the two parties.  With the DP, I think they just re-nominated just four sitting MPs, Speaker Topalli of course, Albana Vokshi, Mesila Doda, I'm going to think of the fourth one...

Blendi Fevziu:  Majlinda Bregu

Ambassador Arvizu:  Yes, of course, Minister Bregu.

Blendi Fevziu:  You forgot the most important, the most TV savvy.

Ambassador Arvizu:  Ambassador Sequi, it would be unforgivable for him to forget.  But the DP also nominated several women who are in safe seats and who will probably be elected.  When you look at the SP, there are more sitting MPs who are re-nominated.  I probably shouldn't but I'll try:  Eglantina Gjermeni, Arta Dade, Olta Xhaçka...

Blendi Fevziu:  Valentina Leskaj

Ambassador Arvizu:  Yes, Valentina Leskaj...There's about eight or nine of them...

Blendi Fevziu:  Vasilika Hysi...

Ambassador Arvizu:  They've nominated a couple more who are going to be elected.  So, in the end, it will probably be about 12 or 13.   Again, that's underrepresented, given the contribution that women make, but we just have to keep hoping for the best.

Blendi Fevziu:  How are your relations with the Podesta Group, Mr. Ambassador?  And before you respond, we'll go into commercials and we'll be back with this live broadcast.

Commercial Break.

Blendi Fevziu:  We're back to the live broadcast in this interview with the U.S. Ambassador to Tirana, Mr. Alexander Arvizu, focusing on the electoral situation.  During the first part, we spoke about what are the election problems.  In the second part, we'll talk about some issues on the way to the electoral campaign.  Before I ask you about your positions on the RBA and some statements, I have a question I asked before the break How are your relations with the lobbying company Podesta Group, lobbying for the GOA?  There are many voices and we know Albania is a small place that say your rapport is problematic.

Ambassador Arvizu:  First of all, I know Mr. Podesta reasonably well.  I consider him to be a friend.

Blendi Fevziu:  Which of the two Podestas?

Ambassador Arvizu:  I actually worked for the brother John, who was the Chief of Staff to President Clinton, when I was in the White House in the "˜90s.  But, Tony Podesta, I've come to know in this job.  We stay in contact.  He's, I think, planning to come out in the next couple of weeks.  I hope to see him.  I don't have contact with anybody else in the Podesta Group.  I know they're active here.  I know someone is watching this interview very carefully, that I'm being graded, that you're probably being graded, and there's a report being prepared it's going to be circulated tomorrow that evaluates my answers and probably your questions too.

Blendi Fevziu:  Maybe you would have a problem with grades, Mr. Ambassador, as I put an end to grades (in school) in 1991 and with a very good grade.  I don't care much about the other groups.  Is there a problem between Podesta Group and the American Embassy in Tirana, or between Podesta Group and you personally?

Ambassador Arvizu:  No.  I wouldn't say that.  I'm evaluated, because they work for the Albanian Government, but in terms of the personal relations, no, there's no issue.  I represent the U.S. Government; they represent the Government of Albania. 

Blendi Fevziu:  But from Washington.

Ambassador Arvizu:  From Washington's perspective?

Blendi Fevziu:  No, from Washington.  I didn't say that.

Ambassador Arvizu:  Oh, out of Washington.  Well, they're all back there; I'm way out here.  No, the U.S. Government speaks with one voice.  Jonathan Moore knows that.  He knows who the American Ambassador is.

Blendi Fevziu:  That's noted too, anyway.  Mr. Ambassador, there has been some commentary also by the press, and even criticism of the support you gave to the RBA before the electoral campaign.  It refers to your presence in their convention and your visit to their offices.  My question is, do you think those two actions were wrong, as they encouraged a course of nationalist politics in Albania?

Ambassador Arvizu:  Thanks for that question, Blendi.  No, I don't think there was an error on our part.  Just by way of very brief explanation, if you go back in time, six, seven, eight months or so, it was very clear that there were two players that emerged on the political scene.  One was the RBA and the other was the NDS, headed by President Topi.  Obviously, they are both smaller parties, but in terms of evaluating who or what group has the potential to influence the outcome of the election, there are only two.  So, we were only doing our job to engage these two.  Of course, we had an advantage, we knew President Topi from the time he was President; we knew Mr. Spahiu from the time he was Deputy Chair of the High Council of Justice.  So we engaged them and said we look forward to working with you.  Now, in the case of the RBA, some of their rhetoric, the nationalistic rhetoric, was and is a bit problematic.  I made that very clear in our early meeting and I said: you really need to tone this down.  I will be honest with you, some of the things that we heard were not welcome and we made that clear, but in terms of the idea to engage them, absolutely.  I would not have been doing my job if I didn't do that.  And, as for showing excessive favoritism, that is just a false charge.  When you look at the way we treated them, the way we treated the FRD, it was no different.  I see Mr. Dule from time to time; his party has been around for a while; Mr. Idrizi.  No, the charge that we were coddling the RBA is without foundation.

Blendi Fevziu:  May I bring an example to illustrate my question?

Ambassador Arvizu:  Sure.

Blendi Fevziu:  The RBA has said that during the closed door off-the-record meeting in their offices, you said that the Albania-Greece maritime agreement is against American interests.  After that statement, I didn't see any refutation or affirmation by you, Mr. Ambassador.

Ambassador Arvizu:  I saw some of the press reporting about that.  During that meeting, there was a brief discussion about the Greek-Albania maritime agreement.  The characterizations of our discussion about that subject that I read in the press were not accurate; they were not correct at all.  I spoke with my Greek colleague, the Greek Ambassador to Albania, about that, just so there was no misunderstanding, and he was completely satisfied with that response.  So no, I think that was unfortunate, but no, it was not correct.

Blendi Fevziu:  Meanwhile, you spoke against a proposal for a referendum for the unification of Albania with Kosovo.  Why should Albanians on this or that side of the border be deprived or denied that democratic instrument?

Ambassador Arvizu:  You're really asking two questions.  One is about Serbia-Kosovo and the way negotiations ought to proceed or the implications of that, and the use of referendums as a democratic instrument.  On the Serb-Kosovo dialogue, the U.S. has expended a tremendous amount of human energy, human capital, in trying to support the EU-sponsored dialogue that has led to this breakthrough agreement.  I think it's clearly established that of all the countries in the world, there are two that are the steadfast partners, friends, brothers in arms, of Kosovo it's Albania and the United States.  And we feel that all efforts ought to be channeled in the direction of supporting Kosovo, expanding the network of recognition, expanding the international space, making sure that the gains are irreversible, to respect Kosovo's integrity and sovereignty.  That ought to be the focus.  And that is the focus.  It is the focus of the Albanian Government.  And these popular referendums it's easy to get people stirred up and signing a petition, but does that do anything to advance the cause of the country of Kosovo or the interests of the Kosovar people?  I don't think so.  That's why we think the referendum is a bad idea.

Blendi Fevziu:  So, that's like saying that democratic instruments such as referendums are used somewhere and not somewhere else?  They're valuable on something and not on some other things?

Ambassador Arvizu:  It's a little bit of a subjective questions and of course, when I think about the other referendums, I think of the three laws, I think about the waste import.  On the three laws and Ambassador Sequi and Minister Bregu should address that.... But it seems to me, based on my conversations with some of my European colleagues, I think we all agree that the laws, especially if there is no fundamental disagreement between the parties, that they should pass.  Nonetheless, it is part of a complex overall picture and it needs to be the product of consensus.  You know how in the EU they talk about consensus, consensus, and having a referendum isn't really a confidence building measure when you're searching for a consensus.

Blendi Fevziu:  I hope the three laws would be approved before the elections as they're turning into an issue that is often a bit ridiculous.  Last two questions.  In the last part, I'll have what is called the day's political agenda, as I do for all shows.  What will be your agenda for Election Day?  Will you be here in Tirana or move around Albania?

Ambassador Arvizu:  Between now and June the 23rd, I'm going to move around the country a lot.  We're going to go to Kukës, Vlora, we're going to be all over. 

Blendi Fevziu:  I hope not for campaigning.

Ambassador Arvizu:  Of course not.  On Election Day, I'll go out and take a look at a few voting stations, but I plan to spend a lot of time looking at TV, looking at my Blackberry.  I'll watch Klan; I'll watch some of the others, but I'll be sure to watch Klan.  I'm going to send my trusted Deputy Chief of Mission, Mr. Jardine right now, the plan for him is to go down to Fier; he'll be based down there.  We'll send some other Embassy officers in different parts of the country Embassy officers but also Albanian staff working at the embassy.  Some of them will be supporting the ODIHR observers, but some of them will be just taking care of embassy business.

Blendi Fevziu:  Will you continue to appear part of the three ambassadors, even in counting centers?  It seemed like the appearance of the three Musketeers in the vote counting centers.

Ambassador Arvizu:  I hope we won't have a repeat of May 2011.  There are supposed to be new counting mechanisms in place that should speed up the transmission of the results.  We've been working with the CEC again, I wish we had seven commissioners but we are working with the CEC.  I hope that next week or the week after that we'll have a public announcement about a software system.  We're spending about a million U.S. dollars on this election and a good chunk of that is going to upgrading the software at the CEC, so that there can be a more timely transmission of results.

Blendi Fevziu:  A last question.  This morning, when I announced on Facebook tonight's "Opinion" show, someone had sent a question, among many other comments can you please ask the Ambassador, because I'm trying hard but I can't find out, whether he's leftwing or rightwing?

Ambassador Arvizu:  For me?

Blendi Fevziu:  For you.  Albanians want to divide people into left and right, as it seems tiring for them if they can't.

Ambassador Arvizu:  I don't mean to sound cruel, but I actually take great pleasure in that, because it shows that I'm doing my job.  There have been times when you know the history, Blendi there were times shortly after I arrived, after January 21, when my relations with some in the left of center weren't very good.  I worked very hard to fix that.  There have been times, more recently, when relations with the right of center maybe weren't as strong as they used to be.  I have worked and continue to work to fix that, because for me to be effective, I have to be seen as neutral, not taking sides.  It's hard.  I feel like I've been in Albania long enough that I understand people want you to take a side.  But I say, I'm sorry, that's the way it is.

Blendi Fevziu:  Do you believe that you've achieved that?  Because, your work is somewhat similar to the work of journalists who sometimes have tense relations with one side, other times with the other, hoping to do their job.

Ambassador Arvizu:  The journalists, they earn their living.  Many of them are good friends.  They earn their living by speculating among themselves, by feeding speculation.

Blendi Fevziu:  Not always.

Ambassador Arvizu:  Not always.  No, I don't mean to sound like I'm the most perfect that ever walked the face of this earth.  Obviously, every day I think, how can I do my job better, more effectively.  But I can assure you, I can assure all your viewers, I just try to do, every day, and make sure the embassy, every day, represents the United States in the best light possible.  We feel very privileged to be in this wonderful country.  This country deserves a good future.  It has made a lot of progress, but the rest of the world isn't standing still.  Albania cannot stand on its laurels.  We talked about South Korea; it used to be a dirt poor country; it made tremendous strides.  Albania's been doing it only since 1991.  It has made a lot of progress; no one's denying that, but you can't stand still for a moment.  You always have to keep moving, because the competition is not standing still either.

Blendi Fevziu:  Ambassador, thank you very much for being with us tonight.

Ambassador Arvizu:  Thank you very much for the invitation.

 

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